Someone brought a really polite sign to the huge Malaysia #Bersih5 protest


MashableAsia

Over the weekend, thousands of protesters rallied in the Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur to demand Prime Minister Najib Razak’s resignation over a financial scandal.

The Bersih (“clean” in Bahasa) demonstration brought a flood of participants wearing yellow down the streets, chanting “Save Democracy” and “Bersih, Bersih.”

Amid the anger and emotionally-charged atmosphere, an unidentified lady carried this very polite sign:

bersih5_wp

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Malaysians rallied again and again against corrupt government


The Constitution “has either authorized such a government as we have had, or has been powerless to prevent it.”Lysander Spooner


gpweb

BERSIH5 Rally on November 19, 2016 in Kualal Lumpur at the KLCC

On November 19, Malaysians came together under BERSIH5 and rallied yet again asking PM Najib to step down. For those in the know know that the so called Malaysian govern-ment is a fake setup, a corporation disguised. Malaysia is ruled and owned by the bank$ter$ and the Najib government is nothing but the flag-bearers of the cabal and bank$ter$.


Malaysian protesters march against Prime Minister Najib


The federal constitution is worth the paper its printed on and was written by the Reid’s Commission, by the colonial Brits. Mind you even the UK has no written or a printed constitution. They insist they have – an unwritten one! Doesn’t that sound crappy eh?

The Malaysian parliament is just a circus arena where the clowns from the “political” camps meet.

To say Malaysia have become a failed state is an understatement, it was never or is a state….ever.

How do you then get rid of such a so called fake govern-ment?

You get to the dungy roots of it. There is however an elephant in the room which not many are seeing.

When you talk of corruption what is at stake and what is the stake?

Get hold and rid of the stake and what/who is holding and issuing it!

The people not knowing any better are left to street protests and rallies. Having said that, it is a positive action, which reflect a true big picture of the country and what the problems are.

B5

Until the people wake up to the truth…there will only be more rallies…and more corruption.

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In Malaysia, almost everything is an ‘official secret’


jfk

DW

The conviction of an opposition lawmaker under Malaysia’s Official Secrets Act has renewed calls for the law’s repeal. Activists say the legislation is responsible for stifling dissent and muzzling freedom of expression.

Enacted in 1972, Malaysia’s Official Secrets Act (OSA) has been criticized for stifling dissent and freedom of expression through its provisions that grant absolute power to the authorities to declare any information an “official secret.” For instance, Air Pollution Index readings, highway and water concession agreements, and sex crime statistics have all been classified as “official secrets.” Recently, the Malaysian police refused to release data on sexual violence and child abuse on the same grounds.

“The law is pretty harsh and hasn’t changed since it was enacted. It is absurd,” Eric Paulsen, executive director of the Lawyers for Liberty rights organization, told DW.
Opposition lawmaker Rafizi Ramli was recently found guilty of contravening the OSA for revealing passages from the Auditor General’s report on the mismanagement of the 1MDB state fund. Although Rafizi, who is vice-president of the People’s Justice Party, has appealed against his 18-month prison sentence, he risks losing his parliament seat and could be barred from contesting the 2018 general election.

Founded in 2009 by Prime Minister Najib Razak, 1MDB has been making global headlines since 2015 after allegations of corruption and mismanagement of public funds surfaced. It includes the alleged funneling of some $700 million (653 million euros) into the prime minister’s private accounts.

Paulsen points out that prior to the 1MDB scandal, the Auditor General’s reports on the state fund had been tabled annually in parliament and made available to the public.


Opposition lawmaker Rafizi Ramli was recently found guilty of contravening the OSA


“Basically, the authorities are investigating those who have issues with the 1MDB handling because the government is also investigating former ministers for revealing information that they had derived while they were in government,” said Paulsen.
Investigations are pending against former deputy prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, former second finance minister Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah, and former rural and regional development minister Shafie Apdal for breaching official secrets.
Political oppression

Apart from the OSA, the Sedition Act, the Printing Presses and Publications Act (1984), and the Malaysia Communications and Multimedia Commission Act (1998) have previously been invoked in cases where people have published, posted or said anything related to the government’s wrongdoing.

“The fact that these laws are used almost exclusively against dissidents indicates that they are a tool for political oppression,” Azmi Sharom, a professor of law at the University of Malaya, told DW.

While stressing that the broad nature of the OSA is worrisome, both Paulsen and Azmi agree that such legislation is nevertheless necessary in dealing with national security matters. “But that doesn’t extend, for example, to the budget for buying submarines that costs billions. There should be sufficient accountability and transparency to make sure that public funds are well spent,” Paulsen argued.

Drawing a line


1MDB has been making global headlines since 2015 after allegations of corruption and mismanagement of public funds surfaced


Azmi stresses that clear boundaries must be drawn between what should be deemed an official secret and what shouldn’t be. The expert also emphasized that the government must ensure that an efficient system is in place so that people can access information in a timely manner.

Presently, only the Malaysian states of Selangor and Penang have a Freedom of Information Enactments law that allows people to obtain state government information.
“Even the Freedom of Information Enactments in these states is encumbered by the OSA,” Azmi underlined.

Paulsen is unsure whether the incumbent government would be open to enacting the freedom of information legislation on a national level – something he says could potentially work against the authorities.

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George Soros had expressed a personal interest in coming Malaysian General Election


TheMalayMail

Malaysia Programme uncovered

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 31 — Leaked minutes of meeting between the Open Societies Foundation (OSF) and local groups, exposed by DC Leaks, revealed an agenda to influence domestic politics.

Among the revelations were:

  • Mobilising for the upcoming elections expected in 2018.
  • The 2013 elections were seen to be of great importance and George Soros had expressed a personal interest in them. Lessons learned are to be applied in 2018.
  • Greater mobilisation of the Muslim population as current involvement is not satisfactory.
  • Greater mobilisation of minority groups, women, Orang Asli and rural youth.
  • Engage with Election Commission, explore any possibility of policy reform, and identify clear policy targets.
  • Begin the process of leveraging the programmes’ existing networks in the country from this year onwards.
  • Develop a strong post-election mechanism to ensure documentation of any dispute can be quickly presented, unlike the 2013 election.

Other revelations:

  • OSF monitors and attempts to chart domestic politics since 2010, shortly after Datuk Seri Najib Razak assumed the office of prime minister.
  • The foundation had engaged in lobbying or “advocacy” in the US to shore up support for its efforts in Malaysia.
  • The most successful initiative was making “grants” or providing funds for friendly groups working for a common cause.
  • Following negative media exposure of Soros, the programme has proceeded in secret, with staff working quietly to minimise public exposure.
  • MalaysiaKini and its online broadcast service KiniTV received special allocations for election reporting, with ongoing support outside the election season.

What is DC Leaks?

DC Leaks came into prominence after it published hacked emails of US presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, currently mired in controversy over her handling of classified information.

Those leaks have received wide coverage in addition to leading to a reopening of investigations against her by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

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Malaysia: Crackdown on Free Speech Intensifies


Deepening the Culture of Fear

The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Malaysia


HumanRightsWatch

Ordinary Citizens Targeted Alongside Activists, Politicians

(Kuala Lumpur) – Malaysia’s prosecutions of peaceful speech over the past year have spread beyond activists and politicians to ordinary citizens on social media, Human Rights Watch said today in a new report. The government’s actions signal an ever-broadening crackdown on freedom of expression and assembly in the country.

The 40-page report, “Deepening the Culture of Fear: The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Malaysia,” documents the government’s recent use of overbroad and vaguely worded laws to criminalize peaceful speech and assembly. Since Human Rights Watch’s October 2015 report, “Creating a Culture of Fear,” the Malaysian government has done little to bring these laws and practices in line with international legal standards. Instead, the government has suggested it will strengthen statutes limiting speech on social media and other rights-offending laws.

“Criminalizing peaceful speech appears part of the Malaysian government’s larger effort to tighten the noose on anyone expressing political discontent,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities should cease prosecuting people for criticism or perceived ‘insults,’ and the government should urgently revise its laws to meet international free expression standards.”

The government has particularly sought to punish individuals who have criticized the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak, commenting on the massive corruption scandal involving the government-owned 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), or making comments on social media deemed “insulting” to Najib or to Malaysia’s royalty. The government has sought to discourage people from holding public assemblies and protests by deploying the country’s overly restrictive Peaceful Assembly Act. The government has also gone to great efforts to keep controversial information out of the public view, as seen in its use of the Official Secrets Act to shield reports on the 1MDB scandal from the public.

Among the cases Human Rights Watch documents in the report is that of artist Fahmi Reza, who is facing two criminal charges for posting on social media a clown-face image of Najib with white powder on his face, arched brows, and a blood-red mouth. In June 2016, a court sentenced Mohammed Amirul Azwan Mohammad Shakri, 19, to one year in prison under the Communications and Multimedia Act after he pled guilty to “insulting” the Sultan of Johor on social media. When he appealed his sentence as overly harsh, the court then ordered that he instead be sent to reform school until age 21 – a period of nearly two years.


Many of these cases update those from Human Rights Watch’s October 2015 report. For example, the government has advanced the prosecution of six charged under the Sedition Act for speeches made at a May 2013 forum protesting the outcome of the 2013 general election. Five have so far been convicted and sentenced. In each case, the prosecution pressed for significant prison sentences. In the most recent case, Tian Chua, the vice president of the opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), was convicted and sentenced to three months in prison and a fine of RM1,800 (US$433).

During the past year, the Malaysian government has also used the outdated and draconian Official Secrets Act to shield the Auditor General’s report on the 1MDB scandal – a matter of great public interest in Malaysia – from public view, and to prosecute an opposition member of Parliament who allegedly disclosed information from that report. Faced with new leaks of information regarding the 1MDB scandal, the government has also threatened to increase the penalties under the Official Secrets Act to life in prison.

Human Rights Watch reiterated its call for the Malaysian government to cease using criminal laws against peaceful speech and protests, and to bring its laws and policies into line with international human rights law and standards for the protection of freedom of expression and assembly.

“As Prime Minister Najib’s political fortunes fall, Malaysia’s intolerance of critical speech seems to rise,” Robertson said. “Malaysia’s future as a rights-respecting nation shouldn’t become hostage to defending the Najib government’s reputation.”

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The Cracks in Malaysia’s Political Order Begin to Show


Stratfor

Prime Minister Najib Razak will remain in his position until the ruling coalition decides he has become too much of a political liability to do so. But his opponents are nonetheless preparing for the next election, whenever it may be. (NICKY LOH/Getty Images)


Forecast

  • Neither Malaysia’s opposition nor its upcoming mass anti-government protests will supplant Prime Minister Najib Razak before the next general election.
  • Longtime Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad’s new party will struggle to gain traction, but it may still tip the electoral balance.
  • Growing restlessness in Malaysia’s outlying states could expose new fault lines in the country’s long-established political order. 

Analysis

As rumors circulate that Malaysia’s next general election may be moved up to early next year, the country’s next political showdown is beginning to take shape. Over the past two years, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak has been implicated in a scandal in which he allegedly looted nearly a billion dollars from state investment fund 1MDB. Najib is widely considered guilty at this point, and the scandal has sparked mass protests, purges in his ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party and international scrutiny. But it has yet to seriously threaten him. Until the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional coalition sees the crisis as souring its electoral prospects, whether by alienating voters or by undermining the power of its patronage, the teflon prime minister will remain relatively secure in his position.

Still, for UMNO, which has ruled Malaysia every year since the country gained its independence, several challenges loom on the horizon. Combined with the country’s lingering economic woes and the continued 1MDB fallout, those challenges could expose new cracks in the political order and stability that have underpinned Malaysia’s rise to global prominence.

Staying Power

Despite his involvement in the 1MDB affair, Malaysia’s prime minister has managed to maintain his power over the country and the ruling party. As the scandal has unfolded, most UMNO members have closed ranks around Najib, and the party’s coalition partners have stayed put. Party members who have questioned the prime minister (including former Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin) or tried to investigate him (as Najib’s former attorney general did) have been purged and replaced with loyalists who absolve him of any wrongdoing. The fractured opposition, meanwhile, is simply too weak to oust him through a no-confidence vote — as it tried and failed to do a year ago. The corruption scandal has also had little effect on voters; Barisan Nasional coalition partners won each of the state and parliament by-elections held over the past year. The reason for its longevity is simple: Patronage remains the dominant tool of political power in Malaysia, and Najib’s administration controls the purse strings. A half-century of UMNO rule, moreover, has allowed the party to redraw political districts to its favor, something it is trying to do again in the electorally critical Selangor state.

Even so, if the scandal starts to hurt the ruling coalition’s electoral prospects, UMNO may be compelled to devise an exit for Najib before the next election to save him from prosecution and the party from an unprecedented defeat. The vote does not have to take place until late 2018, but over the past month, UMNO has reportedly intensified discussions on whether to call snap elections as soon as early 2017. Regardless, the possibility is accelerating realignments ahead of the next vote — among both the opposition and Barisan Nasional’s nervous coalition partners.

Enter Bersatu

The biggest complication for UMNO heading into the next election will be the newly formed Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, or Bersatu for short. Launched in August, Bersatu was established by longtime Malaysian leader and former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who also serves as the party’s chair. Muhyiddin is its president. The 91-year-old Mahathir has been trying to oust Najib, his former protege, for much of the past year, but his efforts have not gained much traction. His latest attempt to unseat UMNO is also unlikely to succeed on its own. Bersatu lacks the grassroots support and party machinery necessary to drive turnout, and Najib has been chipping away at Mahathir’s business interests, giving him less weight to throw around.

As part of an opposition alliance, however, the new party could play a decisive role in the next election. A similar opposition coalition nearly unseated Barisan Nasional in the 2013 general election and cost it the popular vote; Barisan Nasional retained a majority in parliament in that election mostly because of gerrymandering. During the week of Sept. 5, Mahathir was seen shaking hands with Anwar Ibrahim, a charismatic, reform-minded opposition leader. The incident was a boon for Bersatu, which found in Anwar an unlikely source of legitimacy — Mahathir ousted him in 1998 and then had him jailed on politically motivated charges.

By admitting only ethnic Malays into its membership, Bersatu has positioned itself as a natural landing place for Malay nationalist voters disenchanted with UMNO’s scandals but unsure of other opposition parties’ commitment to protecting their interests. UMNO’s stranglehold on the “Bumiputera” (the umbrella term for ethnic Malays and indigenous groups) vote is a perennial obstacle for the opposition. The party has long styled itself as safeguarding the interests of the Bumiputera against other ethnicities in Malaysia, stoking fears that the country’s economically powerful Chinese and Indian populations will try to do away with pro-Malay affirmative action policies. (Mahathir himself quietly sought to roll back some of the affirmative actions near the end of his term, to no avail.)

In the 2008 and 2013 general elections, opposition factions overcame their deep-seated differences and united behind ethnic Malay figures such as Anwar to appeal to Malay voters. But Anwar has since been jailed again, and the alliance has largely collapsed amid infighting and ethnic rivalries. For instance, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) — the opposition Islamist party dominant in northern peninsular Malaysia — severed ties with a former ally, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) in 2015 and has yet to commit to the new coalition, possibly positioning itself as kingmaker in the next general election. But considering that the opposition won the popular vote in 2013, Bersatu theoretically would not need to peel off much support from the ruling coalition to swing the next election. Bersatu’s best bet may be to focus on splitting the ethnic Malay vote in key races rather than on winning seats for itself, allowing other opposition parties to prevail.

First, however, the opposition parties will need to find a workable marriage of convenience. Though Anwar has tentatively endorsed Bersatu, the main opposition parties do not trust Mahathir. After all, he was the main architect of the system that has made it so difficult to dislodge Najib, and his own rise was fueled by exploiting Malay and indigenous fears of, for example, “the Chinese tsunami.” And several opposition leaders — from Anwar to members of the DAP — were jailed on politically motivated charges during his tenure. Even if Barisan Nasional does not call snap elections, the opposition has less than two years to find a way to cooperate and come to terms on sticking points such as seat allocations and conflicting policies. So far, they have not made much progress. The DAP has been reluctant to follow Anwar’s lead by accepting Mahathir’s olive branch, and the PAS (which itself is facing internal splits between Islamist hard-liners and a breakaway faction that supports the opposition alliance) remains a wildcard.

A Spotlight on the Scandal

Disorganized though it may be, the opposition will still benefit from the activities of Bersih, or the Coalition for Clean Elections, an activist group that is agitating for Najib’s ouster. Next month, the group plans to launch a nationwide roadshow to spread awareness of the 1MDB scandal in Barisan Nasional-controlled areas of Malaysia — an important endeavor given the government’s censorship of news related to the case. The roadshow will culminate in mass protests in Kuala Lumpur and other cities on Nov. 19. Although Bersih is not formally aligned with any of the opposition parties and is wary of Mahathir’s legacy, its efforts will serve the needs of the opposition, especially if elections are on the horizon.

Though protest turnout promises to be high — the last Bersih protest in 2015 drew some 300,000 participants over the course of 30 hours — the demonstration itself will not be designed to overthrow Najib. Mass protests in Malaysia are not typically the go-for-broke affairs seen, for example, in Thailand, where protesters occupy urban areas for prolonged periods of time to force a confrontation and delegitimize the government. Furthermore, any attempt to lock down Kuala Lumpur would spark ethnically tinged counter-protests that would raise the risk of violence. (Last year’s UMNO-funded counter-rallies, for instance, took on a noticeable anti-Chinese bent, and police narrowly prevented party supporters from storming a prominent ethnic Chinese business district in the capital.) The opposition does not want to validate fears among ethnic Malays that UMNO’s defeat would throw off the tenuous ethnic balance that the party’s rule has helped preserve. Instead, with the upcoming elections in mind, the protest organizers will aim primarily to put the focus of the next race squarely on the 1MDB affair and turn the vote into a referendum on Najib himself. The more it succeeds, the less the opposition’s internal fractures will matter.

Cracks at the Fringes

Along with its other political concerns, Najib’s government has to contend with growing restlessness in the country’s outlying, semi-autonomous states. Lacking geographical or ethnic coherence, Malaysia’s solidarity has long relied on shrewd, inclusive policymaking and plentiful resource wealth to grease any friction. The farther from the capital one gets, the more important the flows of revenue and patronage from the government become — whether in the form of large-scale infrastructure projects, extraction licenses or cash transfers.

But over the past eight years, several outlying states have increasingly tried to take advantage of Barisan Nasional’s weaknesses to push for a greater devolution of powers from the capital. Sarawak, for example, has been pressing Kuala Lumpur for more authority and oil revenues. In addition, protests erupted in that state and neighboring Sabah — both of which were critical to Barisan Nasional’s victory in the 2013 election — in September, demanding greater autonomy and a referendum on their status in Malaysia. Meanwhile, the crown prince of wealthy Johor state has suggested that the state may consider leaving the federation — as its southern neighbor, Singapore, did in 1963 — if the central government does not honor agreements on issues such as water and land rights. And the PAS, based in the northern Kelantan state, has been flirting with supporting Barisan Nasional in exchange for considering a bill to increase the power of regional Sharia courts, a move that threatens to spark ethnic backlash on both sides of the aisle.

At this point, none of these nascent movements presages upheaval that would threaten the integrity of the Malay Federation, or even major defections away from Barisan Nasional. Johor’s secession threats are particularly hollow, and Barisan Nasional’s dominance in an April state election in Sarawak demonstrated that local issues will play as great a role in the next election as will turbulence in the capital. Still, the trend reveals the lines along which the UMNO-led political order could begin to crack in the face of prolonged political uncertainty — particularly if persistent economic problems and low oil prices pinch patronage flows — with or without Najib.

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Malaysia’s obsession with uniformity is tearing the nation apart.


NewMandala

Behind the rifts in modern Malaysia

by Lim Li Ann – 14 Sep, 2016

A rise in nativism, eroding civic values, and a failing democracy are exacerbating already dangerous divisions.

Modern Malaysia’s obsession with uniformity is tearing the nation apart.

This trend, which sees difference as inherently dangerous, is being driven by ‘nativism’ – being against ethnic and religious minorities and having an instinctual allegiance towards one’s community intensified by agent provocateurs.

Within the span of a year, a state mufti has condemned the multi-racial but Chinese-dominant opposition party, DAP, as “kafir harbi” – non-Muslims who can be slain. Malay protesters, arriving in mobs, became entangled in brawls and shouting matches with Chinese vendors at Low Yat Plaza. Even the silver screen took on a dark tone when the Malaysia Film Festival segregated its nominations into “Best Films” and “Best non-Malay language films” — the former assumed to be in the Malay language.

Late last year, tens of thousands hit the streets to demonstrate support for Prime Minister Najib Razak during an event now known as the red shirt rally. The rally sought to “make it clear to Malaysian citizens, don’t challenge the Malays, don’t touch the Malays.” Despite the antagonistic rhetoric about the inferiority of other races, Prime Minister Najib Razak endorsed the rally, offering his “congratulations to everyone who attended.”

Pockets of Malaysian society, once humble, tolerant and moderate, are now rallying behind arrogance, antagonism and illiberalism.

Such assertions of supremacy appear perplexing. Contemporary psychologist Jonathan Haidt determines one key pillar of morality to be “in-group loyalty”. At one end of the spectrum lie people whose instinct is to care universally, while those at the other protect members of their community. In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912) classical sociologist Emile Durkheim explains that these moderate feelings of tribalism are then elevated when one is in a collective.

Amid last year’s red shirt rally in Malaysia, one voice stood out. Sungai Besar UMNO division chief Jamal Yunos grabbed the limelight and chanted “Cina babi!” (“Chinese are pigs!”), triggering pitchfork-level outrage in others. But by Durkheim’s line of thought, Jamal’s behaviour was nothing egregious.

Narrating a man leading a crowd of ardent supporters, Durkheim writes:

His language becomes high-flown in a way that would be ridiculous in ordinary circumstances; his gestures take on an overbearing quality; his very thought becomes impatient of limits and slips easily into every kind of extreme. This is because he feels filled to overflowing, as though with a phenomenal oversupply of forces that spill over and tend to spread around him. … This extraordinary surplus of forces is quite real and comes to him from the very group he is addressing. … It is then no longer a mere individual who speaks but a group incarnated and personified.

Standing alone, any one person’s bold cries for racial hegemony would appear outrageous. But on that fateful day, in moral consensus with people surrounding him, social approbation begets reckless confidence in his judgment and fearlessness in his actions.

The dangerous rise of nativism in Malaysia is also explained by the country’s failing democratic culture.

Pillars of democracy can only be upheld when society embraces democratic virtues. Institutes of democracies are meaningless — precarious at best — if they do not go hand-in-hand with democratic values in the hearts and minds of citizens.

Outwardly, Malaysia is a democracy. Elections are held regularly, the elected are accountable to the electorate, to a certain extent as the 1MDB scandal shows, and the state apparatus to the elected members of parliament.

But, Malaysians lack the appreciation for democratic values that makes the term “parliamentary democracy” anything more than a soundbite.

And then there are the problems with Malaysia’s civic education – which helps feed this trend of nativism and democratic deficit. Malaysia’s current syllabus for Civic and Citizenship Education boils down to nothing more than a laundry list of moral dos and don’ts.

Malaysia’s civic education needs an overhaul — to be one that mandates critical moral reflection, as opposed to rote memorisation of civic duties — to overcome the political apathy that has enveloped society.

Amy Gutmann, author of Democratic Education (1987), offers that such an education should inculcate truthfulness to one’s self, mutual respect for and the ability to deliberate over differences with others, commitment to society — thus teaching the importance ranging from individual freedoms to collective social consciousness.

When formal institutions of democracy are not accompanied by a corresponding level of public commitment towards core democratic values, institutions of democracy are easily collapsible — and that won’t seem to matter.

Before we unquestioningly accept the many platitudes that are imposed on us, whether by pillars of power or factions in society, perhaps it would do us good to develop our own independent thoughts.

Ultimately, these are moral choices that we need to identify, but even more importantly, ones that we are able to legitimately justify predicated upon personal autonomy and societal interests.


Lim Li Ann is an economics and public policy graduate from Singapore Management University. She is a co-author of the chapter on arbitrary detention in the forthcoming book, The History of Human Rights Society in Singapore, 1965-2015.

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